The attempt to analyze this question, both in its reactionary effects and  with it efforts at resistance, cannot be adequately assessed in one short article, for a variety of reasons: the rapidity of these assaults, the variation over sector of the workforce and over geographic differences, and finally, the fact that many of these issues have preceded Trump’s second term, going back years into the neo-liberal agenda of US bourgeois politics.

What I will attempt is a brief summary of two sectors which have been most visible in the last several months:  One is obviously the situation that federal workers face and their fight-back and the other, which somewhat overlaps, are the battles of  higher education workers, with which I shall begin.

 Under Trump, there is an obvious slashing of federal funds to higher education (as well as all public education pre K-12[1], to which we shall return) of over a billion dollars, targeting schools such as Columbia and other very visible colleges, because of the Palestine protests.

This has led to a revival of activism on campus and has especially involved a fight from graduate student workers, many of whom are interestingly in United Auto Worker (UAW} locals and make up about a quarter of the 400, 000 UAW members. This resistance certainly preceded Trump, for example, with the strike of 38 thousand of UAW 4811 in the Cal State University system, over academic freedom.

This has been re-energized in response to the Trump regime’s attack on pro-Palestinian activists especially foreign student and union activists, including those with green cards such as Mahmoud Khalil.  Despite the capitulation of most college administrators, over fear of lost income, union members, both inside academia and many in the broader  labor movement have protested this repression. 

It is important to note which sectors of labor are in the best position to fight back against the attacks from the Trump regime. There is no question of the strategic importance of the logistics/ transport and auto manufacturing components (both now embroiled by the debate around tariffs), yet one must acknowledge that despite the overall low level of unionization amongst US workers (below 10% in 2024,an all time low),the union level of public sector/ education workers stand out (32.2 %). This is certainly a major factor why they and their unions are being targeted.

There has been an increase of 133% amongst grad student union membership, and an equally large increase in faculty [2] unions. And they’re ready to fight, going back several years, 48,000 members of graduate students unions [3] at University of California went out for over two months around wage and benefit issues; likewise there were very militant actions at other universities throughout the country, such as Rutgers.

And just last week 20,000 non-academic workers (everyone from food service employees to custodians  and all technical workers) struck; again at UC. And there is growing regional/ national co-ordination through such networks as Higher Education Labor United (HELU) which are attempting to create a unified fight back across higher ed

This brings us to the more visible issue of the attack on the 2.4 million federal workers, 12 % slated for layoffs (combined with pressure to ‘voluntary’ accept a buyout [4] package.) Over 60% of these workers function outside Washington, DC and there is a great variation in which departments are targeted. The varied targets have more to do with a political/ ideological agenda, than  any real issues around ‘efficiency’ and social value; otherwise the military apparatus would be a prime focus.

The political motivation is obvious with 10,000 cut from Health Care and Human Services, major cuts in the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and Office for Civil Rights (a 99% cut). The 46% cut in the Department of Education is partial step towards the long standing goal of conservative Republicans which Trump backs, to completely shut it down. Ironically, these cuts could impact air transport, harkening back to the earlier major assault on federal workers in 1981, with the dismissal of 12,000 air traffic controllers (in the PATCO union).

Some cuts seem to have contradictory impact, with the total evisceration of the Agency for International Development, with a 99% chopping, of an organization which has often fronted for US imperialist/ CIA operations, despite the good  some projects may do in particular regions/countries.

This is all compounded by an executive order severely restricting any union functioning  for these workers; again, a heavily unionized segment of the work force.This goes hand in hand with Trump replacing all the members of the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB)[5], so as to try to inhibit any legal rights around organizing. 

 The fightback within this work sector is focused around a loose organization called Federal Unionists Network (FUN).  It is centered around the Association of Federal Government Employees (AFGE) but includes many other unions representing federal employees.  They have been conducting zoom meetings, which have included workers in the thousands and have a range of labor leaders speaking, including UAW president Shawn Fain ent and Liz Shuler, head of the trade union federation AFL-CIO, who interestingly, said that we should not rely on either party,a reflections off the emotions of the moment. More important is that FUN includes many local union leaders and has mainly focused on grass roots organizing, even if they acknowledge the need for legal challenges.This was reflected in the recent mobilizations, which they highlighted, on April 5, which drew well over a million people throughout the US as well as some solidarity actions in Europe as well).

This reflected the participation of tens of thousands of workers and community activists, who will be heavily impacted by the cuts in health care, education, environmental protections, and many other social services, as well defense of immigrant rights, LGBTQ+ rights and democratic rights. But  there was little in the way of an organized presence from trade unions. This also highlights what is lacking; very little, other than words, of unions and other groupings, on a national and/or statewide basis, developing an organizing strategy, beyond electoralism, despite many local actions of resistance..

There is a national call for a coordinated May Day mobilization, involving labor and immigrant rights coalitions, which have been mobilizing on that date for some time. This was initiated by the Chicago Teachers Union,  a bastion of worker militancy, along with some other education/ public sector unions, joined by the United Electrical Workers. They have called for a general strike. There are some other voices in labor, such as Sarah Nelson of the Flight Attendants union, repeating this call, and Shawn Fain  of UAW projecting a national strike in 2028, but that is too far off.

All that said, this fight for labor has just begun.

[1] Roughly meaning under 18s

[2] University staff who have completed their own studies and have permanent jobs (tenure)???

[3] Those studying beyond a first degree who also do teaching of undergraduates as well as research vital to the institutions. They have less security than faculty and are paid less. This pattern has been imported from US higher education over the last couple of decades

[4] What would be known as voluntary redundancies here

[5] The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) is an independent agency of the federal government of the United States that enforces U.S. labor law in relation to collective bargaining and unfair labor practices. Under the National Labor Relations Act of 1935, the NLRB has the authority to supervise elections for labor union representation and to investigate and remedy unfair labor practices. Unfair labor practices may involve union-related situations or instances of protected concerted activity.The NLRB is governed by a five-person board and a general counsel, all of whom are appointed by the president with the consent of the Senate.