The Russian invasion in eastern Ukraine is now into its third year. Putin ordered the invasion on the 24 September 2022 with the explicit intention to “demilitarize and denazify” this independent country. It is a war for regime change and to annex at least part of the country, the Donbass which is the industrial heartland of Ukraine. Putin used the pretext of NATO expansion to bring Ukraine back into the Russian imperialist orbit, just like Georgia, Belarus, or Kazakhstan. There was no threat of invasion of Russia by Ukraine or NATO, but Putin did not want Ukraine joining the EU or NATO.

The war has inflicted an enormous toll: 615,000 Russian casualties of which 115,000 were killed 57,500 killed and Ukraine has suffered 250,000 wounded and over 35,000 dead. In addition, there destruction of infrastructure, the devastation of cities like Mariupol, and the ecocide of the country. Russia is prepared to throw tens of thousands of soldiers to their death in a long war of attrition against Ukraine. But two years after the invasion, Russia has not won and Ukraine has not been defeated. For the Ukrainians, it has been from the beginning a war for national independence and self-determination. Their armed resistance is legitimate now just as it was in September 2022. The Ukrainian people should be supported in their aim to force the Russian troops to withdraw, regardless of the Zelenski government or its support by Western governments.

From the beginning, Western imperialism has reluctantly supported the Zelenski government. Some countries want the war to end as soon as possible to do business again with Russia, while others want to draw out the war as long a possible to weaken it. If Western countries are supporting Ukraine, it is only because it suits their geopolitical interests, not because they are concerned about democracy or independence for the Ukrainians. The supply of arms to Ukraine has been insufficient and slow, compared to that provided to Israel for its genocide of Palestinians in Gaza, or to brutal theocratic states like Saudi Arabia. Western imperialism has regularly attempted to intervene in popular struggles for independence and democracy to prevent them challenging its rule and to try to incorporate them into their orbit. It will also sit on its hands, leaving a democracy movement be crushed by a brutal dictator like Assad in Syria, because otherwise it risked revolutionary upheavals spreading in the Middle East, bringing down dictators loyal to the West. Sometimes, it will crush a democratically elected, popular and independent government such as that of Mossadegh in Iran in 1953 because it dared move towards nationalising the oil industry.

The character of the war today in Ukraine has not changed since September 2022. For Ukrainians it is still a war for independence and self-determination. The war cannot be reduced to simply an inter-imperialist conflict in which the Ukrainian people are mere pawns of the West. After more than two years of war, it is understandable that Ukrainians are tired and are uncertain about how victory can be achieved. There are desertions from the army, reluctance to enlist unlike in the first days, and civilians are adapting to the war by returning to cafes and going to shelters at the very last minute.

The distress and trauma of the war itself is compounded by the neoliberal policies of the Zelenski government. There is not a real “war economy” whereby all resources are mobilised for the war effort. There is reluctance to nationalise critical production capacities, to impose higher taxes on the big corporations, and corruption is not being tackled. Corruption and avoidance of conscription by the wealthy is undermining the morale of the population as it is the working class who is on the front line. There have also been instances of Ukrainian linguistic and cultural chauvinism, which has been opposed by the small forces of the Ukrainian left. This chauvinism hinders the fight against Russia and the incorporation back into Ukraine of the occupied territories and their inhabitants.

The struggle for a military victory in this war should be accompanied by taking steps now for a post-war reconstruction based social and economic justice. But future membership of the European Union is being used as a justification for neoliberal reforms now, and for privatisation of key assets in the future in exchange for investments and loans. Zelenski is inviting private venture capitalists such as Blackrock to invest and buy up Ukraine’s assets. For his government, the message is clear: Ukraine is for sale. On the contrary, the debt of Ukraine should be cancelled to allow for a people’s and not an imperial reconstruction.

It is the working class of Ukraine that has carried the main the burden of war. It should have a decisive voice in the future of Ukraine through its trade unions and political organisations. Instead, despite claims that there is a “national social dialogue”, the trade unions have been marginalised as the Zelenski government builds its relationship with capital. There was even an attempt by the government to set up a “yellow” union federation which would have taken over the assets of the existing KVPU and FPU union federations. This was defeated, but it clearly demonstrates the direction of the Zelenski government. Despite the martial law which bans official strike action, there has still been some trade union activity apart from the support to members mobilised for the front and their families. Some have taken unofficial action to fight corruption and unpaid wages, and resist privatisation of health or education. While there have been restrictions of democratic rights, the situation is not comparable to Russia, where a brutal dictatorship locks up the anti-war, socialist and democracy activists or force them in exile. There is a small independent left, such as Sotsialnyi Rukh and the Commons collective, which has public activities.

Ukraine’s war is a just war against occupation and for national liberation. Governments, including NATO countries, should provide the weapons necessary for Ukraine to win. It should not entail an increase in their military expenditure, the promotion of militarism or the expansion NATO and other military blocs – which should be disbanded – who cynically claim to be defending democracy against Russia and China. Weapons for Ukraine can be sourced from the huge stockpiles around the world, and not sent to governments conducting brutal wars such as Israel and Saudi Arabia. In addition, the hypocrisy should be exposed of Western governments who, despite calling for sanctions against Russia, have tolerated them being flouted because they do not dare challenge the oil and gas industry.

Two years into this phase of Russia’s war on Ukraine, which started in 2014 with the invasion of Crimea and the Donbass, it is difficult to know how and when it will end. There are contacts between Ukraine and Russia over prisoner exchange and the export of Ukrainian cereals. These could lead to full peace negotiations. It is not possible to guess whether Russia will settle for annexation of the whole of the Donbass if Ukraine can’t force its withdrawal, or whether it will carry on to achieve full “demilitarisation and denazification” and regime change. But there is huge pressure on Ukraine by Western Imperialism to sue for peace and accept annexation as the continuation of the war is disrupting the world capitalist economy. In the meantime, we should not withdraw our support because from afar we believe that Ukraine cannot win the war. Socialists do not go to union strikers and suggest that they give up their fight as it may seem from the outside as unwinnable. Some on the left argue that this war is simply an inter-imperialist war and that socialists should defeat “the enemy at home”, an expression used by socialists in World War I, and abstain from supporting the people of Ukraine. But the socialists who opposed World War I and called for the defeat of the “enemy at home”, also called for “for a peace without annexations” and for “the right to every nation to self-determination”. This is still true today as it was then.

As long as the people of Ukraine are fighting to resist the Russian invasion and annexation and for self-determination, they should be supported unconditionally, and critically when necessary. Today, just like on the 24 September 2022, we maintain our political and practical solidarity to the people of Ukraine to help them win.

What you can do:

• Affiliate your organisation to the Ukraine Solidarity Campaign or the Ukraine Solidarity Campaign Scotland.
• Twin your organisation with a similar one in Ukraine.
• Raise funds for medical and rescue material and donate here.
• Sign this appeal for sanctions.

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