I recently read Power Games by Jules Boycoff, a 2015 book published by Verso that remains relevant, even though it only covers events up to the 2016 Rio Olympics. It provides an excellent left-wing critique of the Olympics, challenging dominant narratives surrounding elite sports. While many people hold an instinctive hostility towards elite sports like the Olympics—often with good reason, given how the capitalist system promotes individual glorification over collective achievement and bolsters nationalism—this book offers a deeper look into the political history that makes the Olympics such a gripping subject.

The Origins and Corruption of the Modern Olympics

The modern Olympics, founded by Baron Pierre de Coubertin, were initially intended to be an aristocratic, amateur event. Coubertin insisted that athletes should not be paid or financially supported, though he eventually had to compromise on this. However, the organisers soon found ways to maintain control, particularly by requiring athletes to compete through national Olympic committees. Over time, a governing body emerged, composed of aristocrats and wealthy individuals who became unaccountable and corrupt. By the late 20th century, it was an open secret that brown envelopes stuffed with cash were needed to secure a vote for hosting the Games.

Boycoff details how, from the very first modern Olympics in 1896 in Greece, these events often ran at a loss, with the financial burden falling on the host nation. This trend continued, with the 1976 Montreal Games and 2016 Rio Olympics serving as prime examples. In Brazil, Olympic corruption was even cited as a factor in the removal of President Rousseff. The Games often require massive developments that displace poor or indigenous communities, leading to significant environmental destruction, especially for the Winter Olympics. In the end, it’s the taxpayers who bear the cost, while the wealthy reap the benefits.

From the start, the Olympics exhibited a dictatorial elitism, often underpinned by racism. The 1904 St. Louis Games featured an event called ‘Anthropology Days,’ designed to showcase indigenous people in a way that aimed to prove white superiority. This shameful display wasn’t repeated, but other forms of exclusion persisted. For instance, in 1906, Irish athletes were forced to parade under the British flag, which led to the first real political protest at the Games. Peter O’Connor, an Irish long jumper, climbed the flagpole during his medal ceremony and replaced the Union Jack with a green flag bearing a harp.

There have been other famous political statements at the Olympics, such as the Black Power salute by two American athletes in 1968. Similarly, women were initially excluded from the Games, but over time, activists organised women’s sporting events that eventually forced the Olympic Committee to widen its scope. Boycoff also covers other historical moments, such as the 1936 counter-Olympics planned by the Popular Front in Spain, which was cancelled due to the outbreak of the Civil War, and the one-off Asian Games in Indonesia under Sukarno.

Political Protests and the Olympics’ Legacy

One of the book’s key themes is how the Olympics can serve as a platform for protest, both for athletes and activists. It raises important questions about how we engage with the Games: do we see them as a mere distraction, or as an opportunity to focus on protest? For example, at the Paris Olympics, I witnessed protests against Israel’s inclusion. The Olympics often become a platform for nationalism and political spectacle, yet at the same time, they provide opportunities to challenge injustice, as seen in the protests led by athletes over the years.

In the UK, Seb Coe famously said the legacy of the London 2012 Olympics was its most important aspect. Yet, despite the fanfare, the Tory government continued to sell off school sports fields, with only private schools, which have superior facilities, remaining unaffected. Community sports facilities, such as swimming pools, have also been sold off due to council cutbacks. However, the Games can still inspire widespread participation, as seen in the rise of women’s football. Similarly, after France’s success in table tennis, there was a surge in interest in the sport, with mass applications for table tennis clubs.

In contrast to the London Games, the Paris Olympics had a different focus, branding itself the “Revolutionary Games” and referencing the 1789 revolution, complete with projections of heads being symbolically chopped off beside the Seine. While nationalism was prevalent, particularly in French TV coverage, there were moments of resistance and critique, particularly around Israel’s inclusion. The special legal zones created for the Games also faced opposition, as did the heavy security measures, though these are now standard for every Olympic event.

Although Boycoff’s book doesn’t cover the Paralympics, this is an area that sparks further discussion. The Paris Metro’s lack of accessibility was a major issue, highlighting the ongoing need for improvements. As someone using a stick, I experienced a range of special treatments, from being fast-tracked through queues to being given seats. Channel 4’s coverage of the Paralympics was impressive, featuring disabled presenters, signers, and even critiques of elite sports themselves.

In conclusion, Power Games offers a fascinating exploration of the political and social issues surrounding the Olympics. It demonstrates how the Games, often a symbol of global unity and achievement, are deeply entangled in questions of elitism, nationalism, and exploitation. Boycoff’s book raises vital questions about how we should respond to the Olympics, whether as a spectacle of diversion or as a focal point for activism. I highly recommend this book for anyone interested in the intersection of sport and politics.

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